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Berlin, , pp. Berlin, , p. Ambrosii Macrobii Saturnalia I. Another example was the Octave. Originally this was the celebration of certain saints' days, or of other such. It was this form of Octave that Constantine introduced for the dedication of churches at Jerusalem and at Tyre, perhaps intentionally to recall the Day of Solemn Assembly in a Christian setting, perhaps in imitation of the ceremonies described at the dedication of Solomon's temple which themselves repeated the order of Tabernacles: "And in the eighth day a solemn assembly: for they kept the dedication of the altar seven days and the feast seven days" Shortly after, Easter, Pentecost and, in the eastern provinces of the empire, Theophany were similarly honoured.
But a closer parallel to a calendrical exaltation of Sunday existed in the. Armenian Church. This was the order of psalms to be sung in the night office - a real eight-day unit in contrast to interpretations of the Psalmist's eight-chord instrument. All the psalms save the last three in the psalter, and. Of course, the beginnings and ends of subsequent cycles did not continue to fall on Sundays: it was in the eighth cycle that the first and the eighth day so coincided.
The cycle was called an octoechos because each canon was sung in its proper. These modes were apparently arranged in an arbitrary sequence, simply to distinguish one canon by its sound from another, a. II Chronicles 7. Eusebii Vita Constantini IV. This particular arrangement of modes was peculiar to the Armenian night office. Although the same eight modes were known and used in Byzantine and in western psalmody, their arrangement for the night office was quite different; in the Byzantine order two of the eight were not used at a In this Armenian arrangement the psalms were not equally distributed between the canons, or not as nearly so as they could have been out of the total of a hundred and forty-seven.
The eighth canon had more than had any one of the other seven Each canon in itself constituted an octoad. It had seven subsections and was completed by a canticle from the Old Testament The psalms of each canon were distributed between the seven subsections, with its canticle forming, in effect, -an eighth.
Here, then, were elements together suggesting a clear pre-eminence for the eighth day of an eight-day cycle. According to John of Odzun, the octoechos was so constructed in order to show that this eighth day symbolised Sunday when expressed by its double count Not only the arrangement of the modes, but also the eight-day cycle of. Analogous rites of other eastern churches, the Byzantine with its twenty kathismata, the Syrian with its twenty hullali or its fifteen marmianah73, had no discernible relation to any real or notional time unit.
It has been proposed that there. However that may be, Armenian psalmody preserved its night office until at least the closing years of the last century, when the eight canons with their respective modes, subsections and canticles were still being chanted in the night office of monasteries at Etchmiadzin, Sewan and At'amar7'.
If John of Odzun was right about the symbolism of the octoechos, one reason for its persistence might have been the See below, p. As has been noted, it did not need to be called the Lord's Day without a numerical alternative until almost modem times. On the other hand, the Armenians had kept up both the ceremonies which had given Sunday the dominical status entitling it to its claim of unquestioned pre-eminence.
The agape continued to be celebrated in the congregations of the Armenian national church, either jointly with the eucharist or separately, on Sundays, as well as on other traditional occasions in the ecclesiastical calendar, after it had disappeared from Byzantine custom and in the west. And for Armenians the agape was especially holy: its meal included the flesh of a ritually pure animal, certainly until just before the first world war It is therefore in this sense, among others, that the long history of the octoechos can be understood: in the sense that it was a perpetual reminder that Sunday, when numerically denoted, had a double count, that it was the eighth day of the week as well as the first: a perpetual reminder of Sunday's pre-eminence.
The idea of an eighth day was also bound up with the idea of an eighth. The traditional derivation of the Judaeo-Christian week was often understood to have an eschatological meaning. The six days of creation were supposed to foreshadow, or prefigure, six "ages" each of a thousand years, on an interpretation of Psalms XC.
The chronology of the Old Testament was made to show that five such ages had already come and gone - the fifth had ended with the birth of Christ. The present age was the sixth, sometimes called "the age of baptism", and this age would be completed by his second coming7H. Because the world had been created in those six divine days their completion, interpreted in years, would see its end as men knew it. The second coming of Christ would bring the paradise on earth -of the seventh age, the age which was prefigured in the divine sabbath of rest The conclusion that both the past and the future of the existing world could not but be confined within these septenary limits for long continued to exercise a great deal of influence, as is well enough known, on Christian historiography80, not to speak of the chiliastic escha For references to sources, see A.
See M. But this was not the only conclusion to. There were those who believed that an eighth age was to follow the seventh. Perhaps an early hint of this kind of eschatology, so far as its Christian. But his coming would not bring the story of the world to its end since his reign, too, would be only temporary. The eventual coming of an eighth age was perhaps first assumed by Ireneus, Bishop of Lyons c.
One way in which the eighth age would come was described by Lactantius in his Divine Institutions: the first six millenia had been a period in which wickedness had predominated and still did In the seventh millenium. Satan would be bound and Christ would reign But, towards its end, Satan would escape, and it would only be at the beginning of the eighth millenium that he would finally be overcome. And then there would be created a new and perfect world".
Sometime, too, during the third century, in a Christian version of the Sibylline Oracles, there was a rather obscure. The same belief that it would be an eighth age which would bring finality, perfection, was symbolised in the Armenian octoechos just as the eighth day was said to have been. The seven subsec-. Its canticle -the canticle without which the whole canon was incomplete- stood for an eighth age, "the age of resurrection"86, just as Sunday, the eighth day of the week, stood for a resurrected Christ.
The last canticle in the series, the third chapter of Habakkuk, has been interpreted as one of the many Old Testament references to a new age, but here with the creation eschatologically linked Curorrr, 'La fin du monde', p. Inst VII. The choice of this canticle for the eighth section of the eighth canon suggested, therefore, that it symbolised the eighth age as that which the Lord would bring. But none of the foregoing meant that the simple septenary sequence had been abandoned, any more than the idea of an eighth day meant that the seventh day of the week had lost all importance. On the contrary, the validity of the former was preserved, even strengthened, by the proviso that the existing world, still not made quite perfect even by Christ's second coming, would first have to be wholly destroyed before the truly perfect world of the eighth age could be created.
For the writer of a seventh century Syrian work, usually known as the Apocalypse of Pseudo-Methodius, the destruction would, indeed, be final. But it is likely that his cataclysmic conclusion derived more from the destruction of his own world during the Arab invasion of Syria, than from a rejection of the possibility of an eighth age in his eschatology For Lactantius, the destruction of the present world was a necessary stage in the millenary It was his version of the common belief that the final reign of Christ would have to be preceded by the reign of an anti-Christ.
The importance of his eighth age was the symbolic meaning attached to it: just as the sabbatical sequence In some sense the eucharist itself, the sacrament peculiar to the seventh day which was also the eighth, anticipated this final eschatological unity which would be fully and permanently realised in that eighth age, the age of the parousia The same sequence of a disturbed seventh age followed by the eternal peace of the eighth appeared in later Byzantine texts. A tenth century biography of St Andreas Salos placed the birth-pangs of the last days, in this. Eventually, the Russian Orthodox Church took over the same eschatology.
The seven days of creation stood for the seven ages. But, in. AuNE, Cultic Setting, p. Nicephori Presbyteri Constantinopolitani S. So firm was this conviction that the ordinary world would end when that age was about to begin that tables for determining the date of Easter were compiled only up to the year of the Orthodox era Why did the belief that the eighth age rather than the seventh would bring the millenium persist in Byzantine literature and beyond?
An obvious reason was that had it been the seventh, signs of the millenium should have begun to appear from about the middle of the sixth century when, according to the traditional date for the birth of Christ, the sixth age, the "age of baptism", had ended and the seventh age had begun: when "time was fulfilled" and the Kingdom of God was at hand And so when, according to Orthodox computation, there were no signs of the millenium at the beginning of the eighth age either, the Russian Orthodox Church in effect abandoned any idea of a definite date On the other hand, it ought not to be forgotten that, already in patristic literature, all these computations, 'whether septenary or octenary, could already be dismissed as mere stories unworthy of credence - whatever their authority The idea of the eighth age as the perfect age was not confined to Christian eschatology.
Examples of it also occur in Jewish sources. Thus, in one version of an apocalyptic work known as The Book of Enoch the Ethiopian Enoch or I Enoch , occured passages, probably compiled between 95 and 70 BC96, where the years since the Babylonian Exile covered seven "weeks".
But, after these weeks of wickedness,. And a house shall be built for the Great King in glory for evermore" See R. And this eighth week would lead up to a final judgement and the creation of a new world. Here too, therefore, the number eight marked the transition from one "conceptual stage" to another, the transition from history, if in an allegorical and mystical form, to explicit eschatology: the setting up of the messianic kingdom The analogy with the Christian eschatology of an eighth age is, of course, far from exact.
The Old Testament chronology is quite different: in the traditional Christian septenary sequence, whether followed by an eighth age or no, the end to the Babylonian Exile brought the beginning of the fifth time unit, be it called a millenium or a "week", not the seventh. Enoch's seventh week of wickedness stood in direct contradiction to the seventh age of a sabbatical paradise, whether temporary or permanent.
But on the main point Enoch's eschatology did not differ from Christian successors. The last age in his sequence, as in theirs, his last "week", was his eighth. It was then that good would finally triumph over evil. Moreover, the approach of that last "week" was described much as the approach of his last age was to be described by Lactantius. According to Enoch, before that eighth week came, " According to Lactantius, the destruction of the old world as a preface to the creation of the new would be signalled by a constriction of natural phenomena or by its decay: the years, the months and the days would get shorter, vegetation scarcer, farm animals skinnier And just as this slowing down of natural processes, their weakening, their deterioration, were for Lactantius the prelude to the coming of the Anti-Christ, so did similar signs.
Enoch Christian octenary eschatology had two elements missing from Enoch in this version. One of them was the lack of a connection between his weeks and the divine days - unless the way in which these weeks stood for ages can be interpreted as a reference to the week of creation, though even then the contradiction of his seventh week to the sabbath would remain.
The other missing element was the Christian parallel drawn between the eighth age and the eighth day of the week as both inaugurating a fresh start Thus Gregory of Nazianzus linked the eighth day to the eighth age by the figure of the Pentecost. The extra day, after seven had been multiplied by itself, was not only the all-important eighth day such as that of Philo.
It also prefigured the age to come As with arguments for an eighth day, so here, recourse was had to specific passages in the Old Testament. Jewish exegesis had interpreted the passage in Ecclesiastes "Give a portion to seven and even to eight" as alluding to the seven days of creation and the eight days for the ceremony of circumcision Just as Christian exegesis had used a parallel argument to support the idea of an eighth day, so was it used to point to a link between an eighth day and an eighth age.
Such was Gregory's argument for the prefiguration of the eighth age in the Sunday which ended the Octave of Easter. As the "first" creation began functioning on the first day of the week, so did the new dispensation begin to function on the first day, which was at once the eighth, after the "second" creation.
Kohelet - Ecclesiastes. It was an extension of the argument for the Christian eighth day having been prefig-. Similarly, John Chrysostom, in his commentary on the opening of the sixth psalm, explained that the octochord stood not only for the eighth day but also for the eighth age Gregorii Nazianzenis Oratio 41 in Pentecosten ch.
The Psalmist was speaking of the "Great Day", the day the prophet Joel had called "the day of the Lord", the day of the ogdoad, the day or age which followed the earthly ages of the hebdomad So, too, it. Neither was it by chance that in the octoechos the eighth age was designated "the age of resurrection", a clear enough reference to the doctrine that Sunday, being the day of resurrection, had also to be the eighth day. John of Odzun had no doubt that the divisions of the octoechos not only pointed to the mystery of the double count but also to that of the eighth age.
This was another reason, he explained, why the seven subsections of the canon were by themselves imperfect, why they had to be com-. Just as an eighth age was prefigured in an eighth day of creation - the day, after the day of rest, when the newly created world began to function, so did that divine eighth day prefigure the eighth day of the week, the day which also signalled a new beginning: the passing over from the "seven days according to the earthly works of the flesh" to the fresh start. A comparable example of these parallels between the eighth day and the eighth age may also be found in Jewish eschatology.
In contrast to the Ethiopian version of the Book of Enoch, where, as has been noted, no such parallel occurred, a passage in a Slavonic version 2 Enoch explained how the eighth day was the first after the seven days of creation and how, just as the seven days signified seven thousand years, this eighth day signified "the beginning of the eighth thousand", when there would.
For reference, see notes 51 above; cf. But neither the original source nor the date of this passage has been determined: the. Thus, in Babylonian ideas of the past and the future the duration of the universe was supposed to span seven "great years" or ages, each consisting of a thousand calendar years and succeeding one another in an ascending ladder or progressive sequence.
Each of the seven had its chronocrator, that is one of the seven planets for its ruling influence. The whole hebdomad of great years was called a "cosmic year", at the end of which all the planets would have returned to the same position they had been in at the begin-. But, after that cosmic hebdomad, there would follow an eighth great year, above the ladder, outside the orbits of the planets, where it would be ruled only by the fixed stars At that eighth stage, above the ning And then, planetary juxtapositions at particular moments in time, previously decisive for events on earth, would cease to have any meaning since the world had escaped out of time.
The idea of such an eighth stage contradicted what might be called "orthodox" astrological doctrine, according to which one cosmic year was supposed to be followed by another identical in every respect with its predecessor, that is with its planetary juxtapositions and influences exactly repeated, ad infinitum The particular interest here of this Babylonian sequence is that it can be seen as analogous to the system of planetary days -even if the planets be in a reverse order'IS-.
See A. See CmvtoNT, 'La fin du monde', p. Proclii Commentarius in Platonis Timaeum 38C, ed. Seen thus, this sequence of great years completed by an eighth is comparable to the Christian of the six divine days of creation of a thousand years each, first temporarily completed, as these stages of planetary rule were said to be, by a seventh such.
It would be the final achievement of the divine plan for the salvation of mankind conceived, as it was said, before the sequence of ages had begun, from its enslavement to the planetary powers19 Mithraism had its septenary-octenary eschatological sequences very like the Babylonian. In them, too, there was a ladder, this one with seven doors at seven levels, and then, above it, an eighth. This ladder, together with the.
There they would be freed from planetary rule and pass into the domain of the "eternal heavens", that is into changeless eternity. Variations of this idea of a seven-ranged ladder rising to the perfection of an eighth level, were commonplace in classical astrology as distinct from the idea of an unrepeated cosmic year Stages under planetary rule occupied seven millenia. The first six, beginning with that ruled by Saturn, were times of trouble, the seventh was. An eighth millenium followed during which the planets ceased to hold away They were said to be divided into distinct periods of seven years, much as they were said to be by the Pythagorean; the seventh was a "climactic year" or "climacteric".
Here again, the Mithraic octoad, too, be it stages in the progress of souls, in the life of men on earth, or in the particular lives of individuals, can be seen as an analogy of the planetary week, with a day for the rule of the fixed stars added. Perhaps it can even be seen as. It was Mithraism which had not only adopted the planetary week but had also greatly helped to spread its influence.
This eschatology, expressed in a septenary sequence which needed an eighth unit for its fulfilment, was also to be found, though Here the universe was conceived of as having been delivered for seven millenia into the power of the Lord of Darkness, but he would be forced to surrender it to the Lord of Light in the eighth It was these parallels to Christian septenary-octenary systems which suggested a specific transmission of ideas. It has been put forward that Lactantius derived his eschatology from a certain Hystaspes, an oriental scholar who flourished at some time between BC and AD and was familiar with such systems Indeed, if some such transmission be not supposed, the parallels between the Persian or Babylonian octoads and the ages of Christian eschatology do become difficult to explain.
But the question of transmission does not affect the closeness of these parallels, nor the closeness of the link between these eight ages and the double count for Sunday. Thus, while the analogous link between an astrological octoad and an astrological eight-day week must remain conjectural, it is reasonable to see these millenary systems, Christian and pagan alike, as relevant background for a discussion of the assertion that a Christian Sunday could not but be at once the first and the eighth day of a Christian week. However, a distinction needs to be drawn between these Christian and pagan octoads, whether counted in days or in millenia.
On the one hand, both the Christian and the pagan kind were intended to serve as a key to the explanation of events, past, present, and still to come. But the octoads. They remained imaginary: they corresponded to no real units of time nor, except in their day the nundinum and the Ethiopian system mentioned, were the octoads meant to be new units of time by which the passage of time was to. The double count for Sunday could not alter the Christian calendar, any more than an eighth day added to the days of creation could alter the sabbatical week, or planetary days, with or with-.
On the other hand, the Christian octoad, when applied to the days of the week, was left with a practical difficulty. In order that its double count might be logically acceptable even if bound to remain mysterious, it had somehow to be made compatible with the week: the real, existing unit of time, common to both Christians and Jews, the See H.
Amsterdam, , p. This was a difficulty with which pagan propagators of an octoad were not confronted. To make the Chris-, tian octoad acceptable, it was necessary to consider afresh the concepts. The week had, as it were, to be freed from the restriction imposed on it by this combination if Sunday was to achieve its desired pre-eminence. This was why an eschatological argument. Once that argument was used, only authority was left, the authority of the exegetics: observation and custom became irrelevant. Yet, for all that, according to John of Odzun, Sunday as the eighth day of the.
Byzantium, which had had to absorb quantities of barbarian Slavs and to lose important territories to the Arabs, had not suffered as had Rome from her invaders. Her agriculture was not seriously affected, the population of her towns, instead of declining, probably increased. As the chaos in the West deepened, commercial interests moved eastward and Byzantium began to enjoy a new prosperity solidly based on trade. Soon her gold currency became the only reliable medium of exchange in the Mediterranean world and beyond. Healthy finances meant a healthy administration.
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Byzantium could afford a professional civil service and a standing army. As a result, the central organs of government remained able to supervise the daily necessities of the population. The machinery of law, the state of the roads and of the food supply, the level of prices and wages, were all, directly or indirectly, the concern of the state.
There was no need for the cumbersome methods. There was no function for an elaborately graded aristocracy to be rewarded by land and privileges for the performance of particular duties. Until the end of our period, there was nothing comparable to the feudal magnate, and the power of the Emperor, although challenged, remained unimpaired. One result was the avoidance of that political disintegration which was.
No hereditary classes arose, each with its ordained tasks and responsibilities. The civil service might have its hier-. Indeed, in Constantinople and in other big towns relations were frequently reminiscent of the Greek city-state or of Rome in the early days of the Republic. Economic prosperity and a flourishing urban life encouraged a high degree of literacy, not confined, as in the West, to the clergy.
In consequence, the Emperor in a dispute with the Church could look to the support of an educated laity with an informed interest in the finer points of theology and a disinclination to be overawed by ecclesiastical authority. It was this circumstance, as much as the strength of secular institutions,. And it was her secular institutions, with the Emperor at their head, which gave Byzantium her long periods of stability - while, in the West, it was the Church which added to the feudal disorder.
These characteristics of Byzantium have their foundations in the 7th century. The dynasty of Heraclius and, especially, Heraclius himself 61oI after his hard-won victory over the Persians in , introduced changes intended to secure the Imperial frontiers. These changes were based upon an agrarian reform and a reorganisation of the provinces which produced an army recruited from small landowners and controlled from the capital. The Heracleians were able not only to preserve the Empire after Syria, Palestine and Egypt had fallen and Constantinople.
The struggle against Islam and threats to Imperial sovereignty were the twin dangers which faced Byzantium for the next three hundred years, which she overcame on the whole, successfully, and which con-. Leo III The next critical period came about a hundred years later when Michael III the Amorian launched the first serious counter-attack. His successor, Basil I the Macedonian , set Byzantium upon a path of conquest which culminated a hundred years later with the recapture of Antioch and other towns in Syria and northern Palestine.
During the same period, the Emperors showed their strength in other ways. The pictures of Jesus and of the saints, by then traditional in the churches, were forbidden by the Isaurians. They were brought back in Both iconoclasm and its abolition were Imperial decisions. Both had lay. Neither developed into a conflict between spiritual and secular loyalties or disrupted the underlying Byzantine unity.
Of course, it should not be forgotten that the Emperor himself was a believing Christian, for whom this unity was as much religious as political. His decisions were intended to strengthen the Church whose head and defender he was. The Heracleians persecuted those who would not accept their formula to end an old dispute about the trinity.
The Isaurians persecuted icon-worshipers, the Amorians their opponents. The Macedonians fought bloody wars against various Manichean sects. There was no mercy. The preeminence of the secular power did not imply tolerance in religious matters. A more serious danger than any in the religious sphere arose in the Loth. The Macedonians had to fight a hard struggle against repeated attempts to destroy the foundations of Byzantine economic and military security through the acquisition of great estates, that is, the liquidation of the smallholdings and the control of the soldiers settled upon them.
They were successful for a time. The end came about the middle of the I i th century. The Heracleian system at last gave way under the onslaughts of ambitious generals. Great landowners, of semi-feudal independence, began to appear. New enemies completed the process. The Normans in the Western parts of the Empire, the Seljuk Turks in Asia Minor, finally the Normans again in the guise of Crusaders, succeeded where earlier invaders had failed.
They destroyed the Empire's basic unity and prosperity. The Byzantium that continued, in one form or another, was very different, and the city that fell to the Ottomans in had but a symbolic connection. Thus the First Crusade marks the end of a definite stage. On the other hand, the typically Byzantine.
First, there was physical continuity. The preservation of urban life meant also the preservation of the main centers of Jewish population. There are no statistics or other demographic information for this period. It is usually inferred, from far later references, that in the areas left to Byzantium after the Arab conquests there were about ioo,ooo Jews. Thus, for example, in Phrygia Central Anatolia the Jews formed an important element. Even in Greece, which had suffered worst from Slav incursions, the towns were hardly affected: the Jews of Salonica, for example, have an unbroken history.
Jewry is treated as a whole elsewhere in this volume: it need only be noted here that the Jews of Byzantine Italy were characterized by the same continuity of settlement. Secondly, there was legal continuity. The status of the Jews had been.
LES 3 PETITS NOUVEAUX...
The community was legally recognized, albeit in no friendly manner, and its religious worship officially protected. And it remained unaltered in the 7th century. The Christian heretic in Byzantium had no legal status whatsoever. The Jew, formally at least, had the protection of the law. However harsh the disabilities that such protection might include, and however meaningless at certain moments it might even turn out to be, it declared his acceptance, albeit grudgingly, into the social structure. The 7th century furnished the first instance of this sort of situation. Heraclius became convinced that the Jews of Jerusalem had helped the Persians and had enthusiastically initiated a mass slaughter of Christians that had followed its fall.
But in , when Jerusalem was again in Byzantine hands, the entire community was expelled,12 and many were murdered with the acquiescence of the authorities. But these persecutions had a wider significance, whatever their immediate causes may have been. First, the events of were in. The keynote of his reforms was the strengthening of Imperial unity. The Jews were politically dangerous : they had helped the Persians and now a new foe had crossed the.
It was For the Jews, however, the forced baptisms were something new. In , there had been a massacre ofAntioch,, 8 the Jews were expelled from Samaritans at Caesarea. But the decree of forced baptism was a different matter. This was the first time that the authorities appeared to. The 7th century, a turning point in Byzantine history, was equally a turning point. Just as there was then established a political and social framework which lasted fundamentally unchanged for nearly four hundred years, so there appeared then the factors which, during the same period, fixed the position of the Jews within that framework.
The natural conclusion about this new stage might be that the new, centralized Byzantine state would never again permit the existence of any religious minority. This was true far of the Christian dissident groups. It is important to emphasize that, so happen. Heraclius' as the Jews were concerned, this is precisely what did not fears of Jewish treachery did not last for long.
The attempts at forced conversion were sporadic. The community of Constantinople itself was least disturbed 21 In other words, the idea that the Jews constituted the same sort of danger as did the heretics simply did not take root. There is a striking illustration of how the Heracleian persecutions failed to influence existing relations between Jews and Gentiles. There is evidence that, despite the outbreaks of hostility, the Jews led no isolated existence but took an active part in city life. Before the Heracleian period, the focus. At least from the 5th century, the supporters of the two contending teams of charioteers, distinguished by their colors of green or blue, had been organized into groups of an unmistakably political character.
Jerusalem and Antioch had fallen to the Arabs. In Constantinople, the Heracleians, as part of their plan to strengthen Imperial authority, succeeded in suppressing the circus parties. But the people of. Constantinople remained an important political factor. In , they influenced the choice of a successor to Heraclius. In , for reasons unknown, they stormed and looted the church of St.
On both occasions, Jewish participation was prominent. The other aspect was the precedent. No echo is to be found in legislation. The status of the Jew remained unaltered. But the possibility now existed that the government could, for limited periods, entirely ignore this.
It is this kind of ambiguity which is the characteristic legacy of the Heracleians, with consequences not only for the Jews: a generally stable and law-abiding administration, capable of a sudden dictatorial act in the face of some real or imaginary danger. Byzantium had again survived a fierce Moslem onslaught. The coming to power of the new dynasty had been. Once again, the attack on the Jews can be linked with an effort to strengthen Imperial authority by crushing all potentially dissident elements. Leo's iconoclastic decrees four years later, whatever their theologi-.
Similarly Leo, like Heraclius, may have had his reasons for suspecting Jewish loyalty. About the year , there had appeared in Syria a certain Severus or Serenus who claimed to be the Messiah. He himself was and remained a Christian but he gained a Jewish following. He preached an imminent return to Zion in openly political terms and was involved in some sort of revolt with a Jewish nationalist coloring. It was not long before he was killed and his followers dispersed, but his influence had by then spread westward, far beyond Syria.
And this was because all three were inspired by the conviction that the conflict between Byzantium and Islam was the final conflict. It was nothing less than the precursor of the Last Days. Both Empires would be destroyed and then the Messianic Age would begin. It was this doctrine which, towards the end of the 7th century and at the beginning of the 8th, spread to Byzantine Jewry,33 and it was the explicitly political element in it which probably angered the Emperor as it did the Caliph.
However, Leo's fears of militant Jewish dissidence, just as those of Heraclius about Jewish sympathies with Islam, were hardly justified. Fit Sticks Documentaire En direct TT Consomag Magazine. TT Un livre toujours Magazine. Les grands du rire Divertissement. Les carnets de Julie Magazine. Les plages du Nord.
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Avec Catherine Deneuve, Guillaume Canet Turner Biographie de Mike Leigh. Avec Mark Wahlberg Jinx Documentaire. Open de Padoue. En Italie En clair. Une saison au zoo Documentaire. Joep van Lieshout Sauvons la caverne Film documentaire Le garage de Ruben Drame de Lars von Trier. Film fantastique Film policier Ines Olympe Mercadal Bridezilla Drame de Michael Mann E-U, Sprint Cup Series All-Star Race Magazine sportif Renaissance VIER Das Recht, sich zu sorgen.
The White Lioness. Sport Magazine pornographique 6. Play-offs 1. Il ne reste plus que trois semaines! Habemus Papam de Nanni Moretti. Avec Hildegard Knef Arte Belgique En direct - France 2 Avec Amanda Schull Shelby Anderson Biographie de Jalil Lespert Fr, Des amis les y retrouvent. Les autochtones les accueillent sans chaleur Les reines du shopping Jeu.
Ronde et glamour en robe. Elles disposent d'un budget de euros pour remplir leur mission. Avec la participation de Sophie Pendeville, Emmanuelle Praet Un candidat unique affronte un public en studio. Avec Ingrid Chauvin La catastrophe est imminente Avec Ellen Pompeo Pour son premier jour en tant que chef de la chirurgie, Bailey voudrait que tout soit parfait. Victoria part avec John chez ses parents A priori, les victimes n'ont aucun lien entre elles Quand les mots s'effacent, seuls gagnent ceux qui se souviennent de toutes les paroles.
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Western Western de Tonino Valerii. Film de science-fiction de Michael Bay E-U, Film de guerre de Leslie Norman. Karie et Sharie Cinq petits cochons Drame de John Huston E-U, Gaspard Proust tapine Spectacle Choisir son destin Simpson : American Conspiracy Toons Dag 1 Op metal cruise KV Mechelen BBC 2 Il verdetto finale RTP HOLL 1 Si ce dernier.
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