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The basic structures of religious practice in Italy remained unchanged by the Roman conquest, even if the ex-votos were of a new style, and the sanctuaries in which some were dedicated were gradually transformed by elites enriched through the profits of empire. Note Torelli b: ch. Van Dommelen has highlighted the centrality of identity sometimes involving re creation of identities in colonial situations.

Lundeen Ancient and modern sources alike stress the Etruscan devotion to, and talent for, conducting religious rituals, particularly those involving divination,1 and the prominent public roles enjoyed by Etruscan women. The term has been tentatively defined and accepted as a religious title, in turn linked, on the basis of Greek and Roman parallels, to an all-female religious association devoted to a deity who presided over traditionally feminine concerns.

The evidence concerning the term hatrencu, however, combined with new research on women in early Roman religion and new comparanda from further afield, strongly suggests that we should not assume that the term refers to a religious position, let alone that of a specifically female office. Instead, we find a broader range of possible interpretations, most significantly that hatrencu may in fact be a civic title. This finding highlights 1 gens itaque ante omnes alias eo magis dedita religionibus quod excelleret arte colendi eas Livy v. Seneca Q Nat. See Turfa, Chapter 3 in this volume. For Etruscan priestesses and female religious officials: Rallo c: —6 and Nielsen Glinister a, however, has convincingly argued against this theory.

If this is his- torically accurate, then Livy may provide proof of official Etruscan female religious activity, as has been thought by some scholars. For example, a 5 Glinister See also Cornell and Haynes for more discussion on the historical accuracy of ancient texts when compared to related archaeological findings. Both Greek and Roman sources present an exaggerated picture of the immoral, luxuriating Etruscans, with women depicted as unduly involved in such male activities as drinking wine.

See e. Rallo c; Bonfante , , and ; Nielsen ; and Rallo in Torelli b: —9. She read the future kingship of Lucius Tarquinius Priscus in the flight of an eagle and that of Servius Tullius in the flames encircling his head. If the Etruscan priestess existed, she is not to be found in the literary record. The physical image of the Etruscan priestess is as elusive as the literary version. Two striking funerary objects — a third-century Tuscanian mirror and a late archaic bronze figurine — may depict female haruspices, but they are the only such extant representations and neither figure can be securely identified.

On the mirror, an unbearded person, labeled ucernei probably a name but possibly a term as yet undefined , stands behind a group of bearded men as the famous Pava Tarchies performs haruspicy. Hence such scenes cannot be taken as evidence for an official Etruscan female role in divination. Similar difficulties are presented by the only other possible representa- tion of a female diviner: a late archaic bronze figurine, now in Paris. Unfortunately, the uniqueness of the piece and, more importantly, its less than secure provenance make its authenticity questionable.

If anything, they may simply represent elite Etruscan women. See the discussion in van der Meer 97— Nielsen points out that the statuette came from the modern eighteenth-century Caylus collection, arguing that, at the time this collection was assembled, con- temporary forgers would not have been able to produce a piece of such high technical quality and would not have been aware of the many archaic aspects characterizing this piece.

In search of the Etruscan priestess 37 Distinguishing between Etruscan representations of mortal women and goddesses is extremely difficult because the same attributes and features are applied to female divinities and elite women. Both goddesses and noble- women appear in rich and fashionable apparel and often carry items such as pomegranates and eggs.

Such similar presentation indicates that these attributes belonged primarily to the realm of contemporary elite fashion. It clearly represents a woman of status, her outstretched hands holding an egg and a pomegranate. For Etruscan votive dedications in general see Fenelli a; Comella ; Turfa and ; as well as Chapters 1 and 3 in this volume by Glinister and Turfa. Sebesta reviews Roman female clothing in general. For Roman Republican sculptural representations of women, see Thompson See SE , n. Rix and D. Moreover, gamonymics are rarely found on Volterran epitaphs.

Unfortunately, there is nothing to differentiate this depiction of Thana Velui from other existing representations of Etruscan women. Carriages appear frequently on Etruscan reliefs, funerary and otherwise, to trans- port figures within a wedding procession or to the underworld. Once again, the Etruscan priestess escapes us. It appears in twelve brief female funerary inscriptions, all from 23 She also holds a pomegranate and a mirror, typical of female funerary representations. Nielsen has interpreted this striking headcovering as a bonnet used in scenes of private life on earlier Volterran urns.

She also notes that it could be a Hellenized version of the traditional tutulus worn by matrons Nielsen 56—8. Tanaquil and Tullia both ride in the carpentum. For Vestal use: Suet. See also the discussion in Bartoloni and Grottanelli In search of the Etruscan priestess 39 Vulci. Six of our examples lack a precise archaeological context and therefore will not be discussed here in detail. Excavations conducted at Vulci thus far have been hampered by looting, the poor state of preservation, and modern settlement. Two of the unprovenanced inscriptions were found in the area of the necropolis of Mandrione di Cavalupo, one in the Ponte Rotto necropolis between the Tomba delle Due Ingressi belonging to the Tetnie family and the Tomba del Pronao Arcuato, one in the area of Camposcala, and one in the city itself.

Another inscription on a fragment of nenfro is now lost. None of these can be dated individually Pallottino Bartoccini and S. Paglieri between —8. They consist of the following: twelve gold nails that probably attached a gold plaque to the wall recording the foundation of the family tomb Colonna 35—7: the nails resemble those found in Area C at Pyrgi ; an uninscribed sarcophagus, decorated in sculpted relief with scenes of an Amazonamachy on all sides; a pair of red figure stamnoi, and a duck askos. Amazonomachy sarcophagus Villa Giulia, inv. Red figure stamnoi Villa Giulia inv.

For the coins, see Bartoccini A black triangle indicates that the inscription names a man, a black dot indicates that the inscription names a woman, and a black dot within a circle indicates that the inscription names a woman as hatrencu. In search of the Etruscan priestess 41 dictated that husbands and wives be buried together, often in the same chambers as their children, and that family founders be laid in the innermost chamber or along the back wall.

At some point, the Mura and Zimaru families gained access to the tomb. Ravnthu Murai and Vel Zimarus Appendix 19—21 were buried in the same room along with a youth also named Vel Zimarus Appendix 21 , presumably their son. Marriage ties do seem, then, to have linked the Mura and Zimaru. Such ties may have granted the Zimaru the right to burial in this space. The relationship between this family and the Etruscan families, if one existed at all, is unclear; the Roman burials may in fact constitute a separate occupation altogether.

See also Kaimio A travertine slab inscribed. Sempro nius Sex. This Sempronius may be related to those buried in the Tomb of the Inscriptions. Nielsen has argued that these Latin inscriptions can be dated, at the earliest, to the late second century, and she would prefer to locate them early in the first century.

These groupings deviate strikingly from known Etruscan burial practices in two ways, namely the absence of male relatives and the joint burial of members of different clans. The unusual placement of these burials implies that these four hatrencu were unmarried and laid together because of their positions as hatrencu. Rather, she is buried alongside the hatrencu Ramtha Zimarui, thereby underscoring their joint membership in this group. Being a hatrencu, however, does not solely account for the burial place- ment of any of the women labeled as such, and the relationship among most of the tomb inhabitants remains complicated.

The two may have been cousins or related in another distant manner. Viewed in this way, these burials can be seen to conform to standard Etruscan practice. This last woman is not a hatrencu, but instead may have been the secondary tomb founder see above, p. Again, the hatrencu may be buried together because of their position, and Ramza Murai may have been buried with them because her position as tomb founder held similar weight. Yet, the two Murai must be with the Tomb of the Volumnii, in this case there is too little evidence either to assert or deny a link between the Etruscan and later Roman occupants, particularly since the linguistic connection between Sempronius and Zimaru is tenuous.

In search of the Etruscan priestess 43 related and buried jointly because of that relationship. Ramtha Zimarui may also be related to the two cognatically. The limited information we possess provides little assistance in determin- ing why we find cognatic rather than agnatic burial placement, in securely reconstructing the relevant genealogies, and in defining the term hatrencu and its importance.

Such epitaphs designated important individuals within these three clans and most were written by or above the doorway to each room. The Tomb of the Inscriptions may well have been far more crowded and certain individuals may have been buried in one room or another simply because there was adequate space available in that particular chamber. For a near-contemporary tomb demonstrating overcrowding, see Moretti and Sgubini Moretti on the Curunas Tomb in Tuscania.

For recent works adopting this view, see Haynes —6. Nielsen 74 to describe the religious association of the hatrencu. Reliefs decorate three sides of the sarcophagus. On the left end, two identical-looking women ride in a two-wheeled carriage, shaded by a parasol.

Horoscope Pisces September

On the main scene, in which the couple reunites in the afterlife, both husband and wife are accompanied by a retinue of servants bearing objects that symbolize their respective positions in society. Because the couple was Vulcian, that position may have been that of hatrencu. Similarly, the second Vulcian sarcophagus, uninscribed and now in Copenhagen, presents three identical-looking women riding in a carriage. The three identi- cal women, their use of a carriage, and the oinochoe again have led scholars to posit that they are priestesses.

Such objects belonged to both the domestic and funerary realms as tools of adornment, wedding gifts, dowry pieces, and grave goods. The carriage likewise was integral to both wedding scenes and journeys to the afterlife. See also the discussion in Brendel This piece was found in in the back of a three room hypogeum. See Moltesen and Nielsen 43—7 and Nielsen While the suggestion is intriguing, there is no specific evidence to support this conclusion aside from the fact that three identical elite women stand together.

He has been identified by some as Arnth who, however, appears clean shaven on the main scene. The young couple had died sometime before Arnth and Ramtha and were buried in a similarly carved sarcophagus, now in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts. Given the popularity of reunion scenes, and the fact that many women who appear on funerary urns or sarcophagi are part of such scenes, the three identical women featured on the Copenhagen sarcophagus are probably deceased female relatives greeting their male relations in the afterlife.

Even if the women represented at Vulci and the women inscribed as hatrencu were part of an organization analogous to a religious association of Roman matronae, the nature of the group and the divinity they served remains obscure. Pairault-Massa first proposed that the hatrencu were comparable to the Roman matrons who worshipped Mater Matuta. See also discussion in Brendel Bonfante and discuss kourotrophic images possibly linked to Mater Matuta. For Pyrgi, see Colonna Noting that we cannot securely identify any of the hatrencu as maternal aunts matertera , Nielsen tentatively defines hatrencu either as matrona or magistra,56 seeing compara- nda in a pair of fragmentary Latin inscriptions from the Roman colony of Cosa in Vulcian territory set up by a group of matronal magistrae to an unnamed goddess.

Brown, the excavator of Cosa, in identifying this goddess as Mater Matuta because of the similarities between the Cosan matronal inscriptions and contemporary dedications commis- sioned by magistrae to the goddess at Pisaurum. The former is a well-attested Roman female religious title that seems to refer to women active in daily cult administration.

De monog. Only freeborn matronae who were also univirae could participate. For the hatrencu parallels, see Epigraphic Appendix 1—2. CIL i2. Cosa, inv. My thanks to P. The Pisauran inscriptions are CIL i2. The excavators have also suggested that Temple D on the Cosan arx should be attributed to the cult of Mater Matuta, based on a tentative link between a marine frieze and fragments of a terracotta female statue. In search of the Etruscan priestess 47 married woman, not only those involved in religious rites. She eventually became the sea goddess Leucothea.

The maternal care she provided her nephew led to the ritual involving the matertera in the Matralia. As Fufluns, the god was worshipped throughout Etruria, where he appears as a fertility deity associated with the underworld. Yet, the links 60 Pace Staples The deceased is depicted with the thyrsus, kantharos, and rich jewelry.

See also the discussion in Nielsen 60—4. Cosan colonists most likely married Etruscan women in the area and so Etruscan religious practices may somehow have been incorporated into Roman ritual activities. Considering his popularity at Vulci, Dionysus seems a more plausible divinity for the hatrencu than Mater Matuta. Yet here, too, difficulties arise.

Archaeological and literary evidence, particularly the Senatus consultum de Bacchanalibus, show that the cult was a mixed-gender organization and may have been the only such group in which both men and women occupied the same leadership positions. Livy xxxix. Pairault-Massa has argued that the cult became a means by which the Etruscan elite could consolidate and strengthen their position during this period of increasing Romanization. This political element led to the passage of the Senatus consultum de Bacchanalibus and its provision limiting the number of worshippers who could gather as well as the office of sacerdos to women.

See also North Euripides, in fact, portrays the cult as a mixed-gender association already in the fifth century bce by emphasizing the participation of Tiresias and Cadmus. Funerary images of men, for example, represent them with the same Bacchic attributes depicted in funerary images of women.

See Colonna b: —6, —1, n. The god appears in numerous statuettes as do figures associated with him, such as Ariadne and Lycurgus. Although the votives include several swaddled infants and a breast, the overwhelming number of male figurines and the presence of an ithyphallic votive lead Pautasso to argue that Dionysus appears here as a god specifically concerned with male fertility. In search of the Etruscan priestess 49 hatrencu were part of a Dionysiac cult, we would expect the men buried in the Tomb of the Inscriptions to have participated as well.

Yet, the only male epitaph to feature a title of any kind is that of the teenage Vel Zimarus Appendix This youth bears the title zilath eterau, a position Maggiani identifies with that of the Roman praetor iuventutis. These last two were both considered gods of prophecy in Etruria and an association with them would perhaps indicate that the hatrencu were prophetesses.

In much modern scholarship, Roman women are often presented as only marginally important to Roman religion as a whole. See Turcan —46 for an example from Cumae. Multi- divinity deposits were common in central Italy and demonstrate that a wide range of deities could be classified as healing or fertility gods and therefore could receive the same types of votives at a variety of different locations. See Comella ; Turfa , , and b; Glinister in this volume. Because so many Etruscan divinities combined a variety of aspects and iconographical features derived from and influenced by Near Eastern, Greek, Italic, and Roman culture, distinguishing among these deities is difficult.

See, for example, van der Meer and the articles in Bonfante and in Hall a. The result is a far wider representation of Roman female religious activity that underscores the integral position of women in a greater variety of cults. Roman women, for example, made dedications to and served male gods, such as Selvans and Hercules, and some of these dedications concern tra- ditionally masculine issues such as job security.

Male magistri assisted the priestesses of Ceres,81 while priesthoods such as that of the flamen Dialis required the services of a married couple. Those women who held public religious offices similar to those of men, like the Vestal Virgins, are considered exceptional and relegated to a liminal status still defined by men and by contemporary views on female sexuality.

Virgo Monthly Horoscope – October 12222

See Beard and ; Staples See also female dedications to, for example, Juppiter CIL i2. For dedications by wet-nurses, see CIL i2. For cult area renovation and refurbishment, see, for example, CIL i2. Schultz persuasively argues that, while women appear to have been restricted from participating in certain rites performed in the worship of Hercules such as sacrifice at the Ara Maxima of Hercules Invictus in Rome , Roman women were not barred from the cult in general.

For anatomical female votives dedicated to Hercules, see Schultz 68 and Glinister this volume. Another dedication from Cosa, CE forthcoming publication , records a dedication by a group of magistri to another unspecified divinity. In both this inscription and the Cosan dedication reviewed earlier above, n. If this is the same individual the point is contested , the dedication may have been jointly recorded by both the magistrae identified as matronae and magistri, perhaps indicating a local mixed-gender college worshipping the same goddess.

In search of the Etruscan priestess 51 some male dedications address traditionally feminine concerns: children, fertility, and the health and safety of the family. The re-evaluation of these Roman models forces us to revise our ideas concerning Etruscan women and religion. New evidence for more frequent Roman mixed-gender religious organizations and priesthoods suggests that the same would have been true in Etruria, particularly given the Etruscan emphasis on the married couple.

But the burials of the hatrencu and their relatives in the Tomb of the Inscriptions do not fit this model. None of the men are identified as religious officials and we have two exclusively female chambers, both containing hatrencu. Also n. Nor can we rule out the possibility that kinship relations account for the joint burial of these three families. Instead, the majority of the burials attested here continued to follow Etruscan funerary customs privileging spousal and patrilineal relationships.

The fact that two hatrencu were buried with men and therefore were presumably wives and mothers indicates that the status of matrona was neither necessary nor prohibitive for a woman to gain entrance into the hatrencu, an argument that draws further support from another Vulcian inscription Appendix 6 , now lost, reading [-? The last word could be restored as ati or ativu mother.

The emerging picture of the hatrencu is of an office for which marital status and parenthood were not determining factors for eligibility and for which family ties may still have determined burial placement, although they may not have been explicitly recorded. In a Roman context, we may compare the priestesses of Ceres, epigraphically the best attested Roman female cult officials.

But the majority of these epitaphs lack a named commemorator, perhaps suggesting that the woman in question either did not have a husband or children or maintained only a distant relationship with them. As such, this priesthood would have been more attractive 88 Turcan —46; Nielsen 52—3, 60—4; Colonna b: —6, —1, n. She lists exclusion from male tombs, bilateral kinship, and matrilineal kinship as the other factors behind other extant female-dominated tombs. See Spaeth for general information on the cult.

For women, that commem- orator tended to be a husband or child. In search of the Etruscan priestess 53 to single, divorced, and widowed women, explaining, at least in part, the markedly few tombstones with named commemorators. The Tomb of the Inscriptions features female epitaphs listing official titles but, in most cases, not family ties, contrary to traditional Etruscan female epitaphs, which usu- ally include genealogical information.

Those hatrencu placed in all-female cham- bers rather than in the traditional manner alongside their husbands, sons, or other male relatives may have been widows whose husbands were buried elsewhere, possibly on some faraway battlefield. As for the specific nature of the group, the Roman cult of Ceres provides a compelling model, though this line of reasoning still rests on the acceptance of the standard definition of hatrencu as a religious title.

Grammatically, hatrencu can be defined either as an adjective of quality or as a past participle, either transitive or intransitive. Similarly, she notes, the priestesses of Liber appear to have been older, even elderly women, most likely past their child-bearing years as well as widowed. If so, their priestly responsibilities, possibly including a vow of celibacy, would have been easier for these women to fulfill Schultz Dedicants rarely are mentioned in Etruscan burial inscriptions.

In this case, the most interesting Roman comparison is the term amata, used by the Pontifex Maximus to address each Vestal during her initiation ceremony. Aside from sacniu, however, there is no substantive indication that hatrencu is an exclusively religious title. In light of our current Roman comparanda, Etruscan female religious activity probably encompassed traditionally masculine acts, gods, and con- cerns outside of the private sphere.

The high status clearly accorded to the hatrencu may indicate that these women held an important, possibly more traditionally masculine role in Etruscan society at large. A Perusine urn from about bce Fig. There is, however, no evidence indicating a specifically religious position for Larthi Paniathi. While this suggestion is difficult to prove, it is no less supported by the evidence than efforts to define the hatrencu as religious officials. Male Etruscan epitaphs refer far more frequently to male political titles than to religious offices.

See Nielsen 75—81 for the possibly high status of elderly women, particularly grandmothers and great-grandmothers. See also nn. In search of the Etruscan priestess 55 Fig. Larthi Paniathi stands in the center. Many of these women held the same offices as elite men and were publicly honored in dedications and public portraiture like their male counterparts. In some cases, such as that of Ramza Murai, they may even have founded new family tombs. If their husbands died away from home, these women would have been buried with their relatives, whether natal, cognatic, or both.

For women in Caria and, specifically, Aphrodisias, see Lundeen For the legendary fifth-century queen, Artemisia, see Herodotus vii. For a later Roman literary example of the independent Carian woman, see Lundeen 71—4 on Callirhoe. See Harris a; Carandini ; Cornell —63 for the Roman conquest of Vulci in and the founding of Cosa in See Nielsen 78—9 with refs.

In search of the Etruscan priestess 57 tombs, all dated to between the second and first centuries, the majority from the area of Perugia. This definition draws on Greco-Roman comparanda and makes use of more recent studies of women in early Roman religion as well as on women in imperial Asia Minor. But the evidence at hand forces us to include the possibility that the term was a civic title which, in the ancient world, would also automatically possess religious and honorific aspects. Etruria itself consisted of a number of city-states bound together by a general sense of culture, language, and religion.

Yet each city acted as an independent state and each possessed a markedly individual character. In the first case, male and female members appear in separate tombs either because the men died elsewhere or because they preferred to be buried with their fellow soldiers, leaving their female relatives to be buried separately. I hesitate to describe any of these burial chambers as all-female, however, since the majority were looted or disturbed and six contained uninscribed urns or urns with illegible inscriptions.

While Nielsen herself admits these problems, she does not attempt to address them, even though her previous work on late Etruscan burials shows that women sometimes were buried in the same urns or sarcophagi with men but not noted in the accompanying inscriptions. To my knowledge there is no comparable Roman tomb.

The True Philosophy of Hermes in: The Tradition of Hermes Trismegistus

As Nielsen has pointed out, there are few secure Republican Roman tomb contexts thus studied. Imperial examples form the bulk of our knowledge on Roman death and burial. For a comprehensive though general overview of Roman mortuary practices, see Davies and Toynbee Also, Torelli New archaeological and epi- graphic evidence and new studies of textual sources have revised current thinking on Roman women and archaic religion. The indigenous, Hellenized cities there resemble those of Etruria both in their shared general culture and their distinct local characters.

This comparison emphasizes the fact that, just as female magistracies are particular to Asia Minor but differ from city to city, so the hatrencu are characteristic of Etruscan female prominence but are a distinctly local phenomenon specific to Vulci. The identity of the hatrencu will become clearer as new evidence from Vulci comes to light and as other material is revisited. In search of the Etruscan priestess 59 clearer context for this work. The Etruscan priestess may have eluded us, but in her place the elite Vulcian woman begins to emerge.

Hatrencu outside of the Tomb of the Inscriptions 1. Rix , Vc 1. Murai Sethra hatrencu ET Vc 1. Zimarui Ramtha hatrencu ET Vc 1. ET Vc 1. Zimarui R amtha hatrencu ET Vc 1. Velus ET Vc 1. Zimarus Ve l ET Vc 1. Murai Ravnthu hatrencu ET Vc 1. Latin inscriptions Room I Sem pronius [? Sex Sempronius L. Gaia Postumia L. Sempronius L. Several generations later, though, the outward manifestations of popular belief and public cults had signifi- cantly changed, and appear to us, in the light of surviving literary sources to have drawn much closer to the cults of their Italic neighbors or vice versa.

Economic, social, and political forces in some ways prompted the change, but the situation was undoubtedly more complex and more evo- lutionary than it now appears. We must therefore rely on archaeological evidence to detect and assess that change; this chapter reviews that material, contrasting the archaeological and literary evidence. Although Romans admired Etruscan religious expertise and credited the revealed scriptures of Etruria as sources for many Roman state rituals, the practices cited by ancient authors would be almost unknown if we had to judge from the material evidence alone.

Apart from the Roman rites of city foundation, haruspicy and augury, the visible signs of Etruscan reli- gion known to late Republican audiences were all tokens of the fourth century bce or later, when temples, votives, and rituals were already rather homogenized. Roman scholars of the first century bce still had access to Etruscan books and augural colleges the ordo LX haruspicum, for exam- ple , but the great early sanctuaries as at Veii were in ruins or, as at Tarquinia Pian di Civita and Ara della Regina , buried beneath fourth- century constructions.

The material world of Etruscan religion for us an archaeological situation barely seems to intersect with the activities and institutions depicted by ancient authors, especially those of the middle and later first century bce, who seem to us to have chosen a particu- lar subset of traditions to commemorate the Etruscan heritage of Roman worship.

Greek myths were increasingly captured for extrapolation in Etruscan art, especially for the decoration of personal belongings and votives, although, in contrast, the use of myth in funerary art would not become prominent until after bce. The Gallic incursions at the opening of the fourth century destroyed northern cities like Marzabotto, for exam- ple, and the destruction of Veii bce and Volsinii left ruined sanctuaries in the wake of military caravans carting off the allegedly willing statues of Etruscan gods to adorn Rome Livy v.

After the watershed, Roman settlers, as well as native Etruscans, would continue to worship in the ruins of many such shrines, now concentrating on the healing aspects rather than the civic affiliation of the cults. Also, c. The most obvious change in later Etruscan cults was the practice of offering terracotta anatomical models at a variety of shrines, none of them dedicated to Aesculapius. Although certain one-of-a-kind tem- ples, marked by the terracotta pediments found at Chianciano, Talamone, and Civitalba, were new constructions, there would be no further innova- tions in design of religious architecture.

In the popular media of painted vases, engraved hand-mirrors, and mould-made terracotta cinerary urns, a new or previously invisible spirit appears in the depiction of indigenous Etruscan myths like those of Tages, Cacu, and probably the hero with the plow. A more erudite Etruscan population, schooled in Greek literature and political changes that may have weakened the hold of aristocracies on the priesthood may partially account for the changes. Recent research has made it possible to discern the character of Etruscan religion in practice.

See Cristofani b and F. Glinister in this volume. For a listing of major Etr- uscan and Italic sites with anatomical models, see Turfa b. See van der Meer and De Puma Illustrations: Bonfante and Bonfante —62, source nos. Etruscan religion at the watershed 65 in contexts as early as the Protovillanovan final Bronze Age and Villanovan periods, in funerary cult and the practice of burying hoards ripostigli at the boundaries of settlements.

Tarquinia, where most authors placed Tages, the divine being thought to be the source of sacred Etruscan writings, has furnished the most impressive evidence — and puzzles — of early cult at the site of Pian di Civita that extended from the Protovillanovan into the Roman period. Thereafter, in the eighth and seventh centuries, offerings were made near his grave, as well as occasional burials of infants with cranial deformities, interpreted by some as the ritual disposal of prodigia.

The excavators interpret this offering as representing the civic, military, and religious authority of a ruler of the newly formed city of Tarquinia. A second pit held ten plates and two cups, all deliberately smashed after a communal meal. The god s worshipped at the site are unknown, although among the vases offered over the next centuries, one was inscribed to Uni. Even if this was the burial place of the famous prophet Tages, linked to living worshipers by a libation channel, its significance seems to have been forgotten by the fifth century, thus long before any of the surviving accounts 6 Damgaard Andersen ; Bartoloni 32—3; Bietti Sestieri et al.

Is it possible, on analogy to the theories of de Polignac et al. If this was the site of the Tages apparition, the preserved votives do not reflect any difference in the type or importance of this cult. The burials of the boy and the four infants do not bear any similarities to the thousands of well-documented Punic molk-sacrifices of neonates in the tophets of Sardinia, Motya, and Carthage. The vicinity of the Ara della Regina also saw the erection of political monuments linked to the great families, of which the first-century ce Roman Elogia Tarquiniensia, perhaps restorations of Etruscan inscriptions, are the best-known remains.

A great number of post bce votives are terracotta heads, statuettes, and anatomical models, including many gravid uteri, which characterize a cult of healing and fertility linked to a great goddess. A major shrine, supported for centuries by famous families, was built at the Portonaccio site of Veii barely outside the city walls. In the mid-sixth century, it featured elaborate waterworks, a pool, and a temple of Tuscan design, with a broad, colonnaded porch and closed cella e ;14 the terracotta roofing system and its statues are well known.

The Portonaccio, accessible to those about to enter the city perhaps soldiers ready to be cleansed after shedding blood? Votives were deposited continuously from the seventh century, before there was a temple, and even after the destruction of the city in bce, when 10 See, for the urban area of Tarquinia, M. Bonghi Jovino et al. Also Pallottino pl. The temple was built at the end of the sixth century and later remodeled: painted terracotta plaques were added to its interior during the fifth century. See Cornell , —6 for background. Also F. Boitani in Buranelli , no.

Philological and Historical Commentary on Ammianus Marcellinus XXIX

Tolonio s ded et Menerva. Second half of the fourth century bce. Colonna , , no. Gran-Aymerich —7, fig. Etruscan religion at the watershed 67 many suppliants were Latin colonists and anatomical models were offered in the ruins. An extramural shrine linked to Ceres was found at the Campetti site.

The shrine once included a large bothros and cave, and cult rooms evoca- tive of south Italian or Sicilian shrines to chthonic Demeter. Thousands of terracottas were deposited during the fifth to second centuries, again out- lasting the Roman conquest. As foreign participation in the sanctuary waned at the end of the archaic period, dedications by native Etruscan women appeared, a nativization of the sanctuary at Graviscae. A rare instance of divina- tory rituals may be represented by metal, leaf-like sortes recently excavated there. N1, pl. Also Comella and Stefani Boitani et al.

Moretti et al. Torelli b makes a case for a cult of Adonis also. Multiple terracottas from the same production runs, as well as lamps and a buried cist containing grain and a piglet may derive from a Thesmophoria-like rite: see F. Boitani and S. Fortunelli in Sgubini Moretti — Also Colonna —5.

The motel- like plan has suggested to some accommodations for scorta pyrgensia and sacred prostution. The gold plaques of Thefarie Velianas, buried when the shrine was dismantled, mark the one sure instance of a public votum by an Etruscan city or its erstwhile ruler. The wealth and cosmopolitan character of the Pyrgi sanctuary, with riches that may have been part of the Caeretan state treasury hence its sack by Dionysius , are not paralleled in contemporary Italic sites. Etruscan funerary cult registers distinct contrasts with Italic practices. In addition to the altars and cult rooms of the Caeretan tombs,28 discrete funer- ary sanctuaries are known, such as the Cannicella shrine in the Orvietan necropolis.

Later antefixes may represent Aita and Phersipnei. The Etruscan deities Vanth and Letham, named on representations throughout Etruria, may indicate a framework of divine characters who already peopled the Etruscan under- world before Greek myth was introduced. Votives were left at Cannicella through the first century bce, long after the demise of Volsinii, as Romans reused the tombs.

For background, see Colonna —41, and n. For the inscriptions, see Bonfante and Bonfante 64—8. Stopponi and G. Colonna in Colonna — Colonna —21, n. Etruscan religion at the watershed 69 have drawn streams of blood. Magic was not absent from pious Etruria, as is shown by archaeological finds: curses and charms such as lead curse tablets and inscribed figurines are yet another indicator of popular beliefs. Ancient authors provide more data, but of course their versions have been affected by personal and political views and goals, and by the selective preservation of material evidence that resulted from both prosperity and the Roman conquest of Etruria.

Until the excavations of the last century, modern approaches to Etruscan religion were dictated by the attitudes of its Roman, self-styled heirs35 because, of all the revealed scriptures and privately written treatises of which our sources make mention, no originals have survived intact. One possible, complete document, a text of responses for divination by thunder see below comes to us only at third-hand, in a Byzantine Greek translation of a lost Latin translation by the late Republican Roman statesman and scholar, P.

Nigidius Figulus below. CIE , 52, and —5; Haynes —3, figs. Model livers constitute an additional category: notably the Piacenza bronze liver model,36 and possibly the Magliano lead plaque TLE , covered with a spiral inscription and perhaps shaped in the outline of a liver. Not all of these deities are otherwise attested in the votive inscriptions or iconography.

Bonfante and Bonfante —83, source no. Edlund-Berry emphasizes the bounded char- acter of the Piacenza liver. Etruscan religion at the watershed 71 name. MS The basic reference for other early onomastics is Bagnasco Gianni Tanaquil is frequently attested in southern Etruscan inscriptions. See Bonfante and Bonfante A proverb named the original Polles as a prophet similar to the Homeric Melampus, and a gifted interpreter of bird-omens. The earliest appear in the seventh century, already couched in standard forms, as typified by many from the Portonaccio deposits at Veii, e. Other strong support for this is the well-documented practice of diplomatic marriages and gift exchange found in the elite tombs of the late Villanovan and Orientalizing periods, on the assumption that the brides and husbands transferred some of their own cults to their new homes.

Cristofani a: , —6, no. Pugliese Carratelli and Pallottino fig. Fourth century bce: van der Meer 72—3, figs. See Colonna —7; cf. Haynes , no. Second century bce: van der Meer 73; after the translation of G. Etruscan religion at the watershed 73 After bce, the dedication of inscribed bronzetti increased, as did erection of inscribed statues in terracotta and stone, yet of the tens of thousands of anatomical models third—second centuries bce only four are inscribed.

This dedication may indicate the relatively egalitarian nature of the cult, for Tiples, Etruscan for Diphilus, shows that the worshipper was a freedman of Greek origin.


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A possible fifth inscribed anatomical votive is a conical bronze weight that might represent a human heart on analogy to a terracotta inscribed in Latin, below. See Bonfante and Bonfante —6, source no. D9 Fr. I, pl. Colonna a: pl. The only other inscribed anatomical model is a terracotta heart found at Lavinium Pratica di Mare , in the Tredici Are sanctuary. Fenelli b: , fig. In Rome, Selvans had no female offrants, but many women in Etruria inscribed gifts to him: van der Meer 58— See Colonna a.

For comparison, Dorcey — Also Colonna —8: , no. Colonna 29, no. See also van der Meer —5. These plaques are a rare surviving example of votive dedication by an individual in his magisterial capacity; they perhaps commemorate the dedication of a temple to Uni-Astarte. Some arms and armor may have been trophies dedicated by Greeks at Delphi, Olympia, and Samos,70 but the many fibulae were probably dona- tions of clothing or native costume offered by pilgrims or merchants from Italy.

Bonfante and Bonfante —5, no. See Ferruglio and Colonna Fulvius Flaccus: M. Torelli —4, n.

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A possibly related phenomenon is discussed by Flower Camporeale 83—5 makes the point that shields and large lances were parade armor only and cannot have been battlefield trophies; further, the fibulae actually are the remnants of valuable clothing or even robes made for a statue. Fibula types include some usually associated with female dress, thus representing Etruscan women pilgrims or travelers.

Etruscan religion at the watershed 75 period Strabo v. The presence of late archaic Vulcian tripods on the Athenian Acropolis might stem from an official presentation to Athena by some Etruscan state. Foreign inter- action with Etruscan worshipers seems to have occurred almost exclusively during the archaic period.

The earliest known, however, the Capua tile TLE 2; c. The slab was designed to fit in a stack with others, held in place by dowels; its miniature inscription, a calendar of ceremonies, is written not only boustrophedon, but such that the plaque or its reader must be turned degrees to read alternate lines. The date, c. It seems hubristic to believe that we can link up our few fragments of religious texts with the great schema known to Roman authors, but just possibly the Capua tile represents a fragment of the libri Acherontici of funerary cult. The Zagreb document, the remnant of a liber linteus, is also in calendrical format and may be a fragment of the libri rituales, woven during the fourth century bce and inscribed in black and red ink during the third century or soon after.

A fifth-century Vulcian incense burner is attested by the find of one of its figurine-legs in Olympia, near the Altis, where it must have been dedicated: see Haynes , —9, n. See also Cristofani 66— Roncalli and —64; Pallottino The repetitive phrasing of its list of public ceremonies and prayers fits the assumption that Etruscan rituals, like their Roman successors, had to be performed perfectly and without interruption in order to be efficacious.

And the same morning the offering to Veiovis must be immolated, and furthermore the divine service, as on the twenty-sixth day. Libri fatales probably explained the practice of commemorating each year; further, Athrpa Atropos is depicted on a late fourth-century mirror now in Berlin hammering a nail in place of the omi- nous thread-cutting. Lucan i. Bonfante and Bonfante , source no. Etruscan religion at the watershed 77 rituals is another theme that appears early and stays late.

Lucretius vi. Intensive studies of the classical authors form the basis of major works on Etruscan religion by Thulin, Pfiffig, van der Meer and others. Classical authors tended to emphasize either the other-worldliness or the otherness of Etruscans, even as they underscored the debt of Roman reli- gious practice to its perceived Etruscan forebears. Thus, the picture that emerges from Roman sources is of an Etruscan religion that dealt with public, civic concerns.

HN xxviii. The literary sources, however, cover a wide span of time and some of the most tantalizing information is preserved only in late antique works. While many authors, from Hesiod on, had something to say about the Etruscans, the first preserved references to Etruscan religion82 appear only in the late Republican period, including a few passages in Greek texts.

While his skeptical attitude was never far beneath the surface, he did express sincere admiration for his friend Publius Nigidius Figulus, a priest and student of Etruscan religion. The earliest surviving account of Tages and the Etruscan books comes from Div. The passage ends with the note that these scriptures were updated with new information judged to be in keeping with original principles — thus subtly implying that even though divinely bestowed, the books were routinely compromised by emendation.

At Div. Later generations of writers are responsible for some of the more famous pronouncements on Etruscan religion. For example, Livy v. On historiography of Etruria, see Harris a: 4— On Claudius, see Briquel The public aspects of prophecy and religious ceremonies are borne out in the text of the Brontoscopic Calendar, which predicts factional strife, warring states etc. See below, pp. See Rawson b: , — Nam cum omnia ad deum referent, in ea opinione sunt, tamquam non, quia facta sunt, significant, sed quia significatura sunt, fiant This is the difference between us and the Etruscans, with whom resides the utmost learning for interpreting lightning: we believe that lightning is caused by clouds colliding, whereas they believe that clouds collide in order to create lightning.

Since they attribute everything to the divine, they are led to believe not that events have a meaning because they have happened, but that they happen in order to express a meaning. Numerous treatises would have been available to him, for instance the writings of A. Caecina, to which he refers at Q Nat. His antiquarian treatises offer several references to the figures of Tages and the founder of Tarquinia, Tarchon De Ostentis ii. Several aristocratic scholars who researched Etruscan teachings were active politically in the milieu of first-century bce Rome. See Weinstock for discussion of several authors.

His speeches allude to Etruscan religion also, and he asked the Senate for help in preserving Etruscan haruspicina Tac. Tinnefeld, DNP vii. Embedded in it is a wealth of serendipitous social, agricultural, religious, and medical information,93 although its cryptic presentation gives no indication of how it was used or disseminated. An early surviving version Cic. Cicero places the legend at the site of the future city of Tarquinia, and Lydus says the plowman was none other than its founder, Tarchon cf.

Cicero thought the scriptures thus recorded libri Tagetici dealt with the disciplina etrusca and especially haruspicina, divination by the entrails of sacrificed victims. Columella Rust. Schmidt, DNP x. Text: Swoboda Bekker in Niebuhr This includes a modern translation from Greek into Latin, but readers are advised to refer only to the Greek text.

A complete study of the Brontoscopic Calendar by the author of the present study is in progress. Heurgon and ; Piganiol Weinstock outlines the case for significant reworking of a genuine Etruscan document by Figulus; see also Harris a: 6—8, , —2. Etruscan religion at the watershed 81 of vital importance in more primitive times. As Briquel has emphasized, later authors focused on the theme of received scriptures as a parallel to early Christianity, with its revealed and recorded prophetic base.

Certainly, by the time of Cicero and Varro, that burial, and the art of the Tuscania mirror were no longer known.

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Presumably the continuing survival of the stories was owed to the collection of libri. For full text and discussion of this document, see C. Schultz in this volume. Recently the 95 Specifically Tuscan rites to avert storms; animal sacrifices to ward off mildew etc. Note that Tages and Tarchon are two separate characters in this passage. The main passage is Blume, Lachmann, and Rudorff —52 i. See the analysis of Harris a: 31—40, who asserts the authenticity of the Etruscan original from which it is derived; Valvo 29—34; Pfiffig —1; Heurgon ; Turcan For full text and translation, see C.

Schultz in this volume; Campbell —8. Since the mirrors and ring belonged to women, the end of the fourth century may have marked some change in their civic status, perhaps the elevation of women to certain priesthoods or an historical event, perhaps a prodigy, to be commemorated with souvenirs. Likewise, the temporal quanta of Etruscan belief, the saecula, must have been discussed with a sharp eye to their applicability to current political changes — certainly they were published or outright manipulated by Sulla as announcing a regime change for the better Plut.

Sulla vii. The doctrine of the saecula undoubtedly appealed to late Repub- lican analysts for its applicability to affairs at Rome, as much as for their Schadenfreude at the waning of the nomen Etruscum. By his seventieth year, he no De Grummond 30—1, , and a for full treatment of prophecy in relation to Pompeian iconography and popular divination. Some event related to this group might have been commemorated with gifts to priests — and priestesses. He names Varro, but we cannot be certain that the passage is a direct quote.

Etruscan religion at the watershed 83 longer has the same dealings with the gods as other mortals; at eighty- four years, a man has taken leave of his mind and omens are no longer valid for him. Curiously, in the region of Tarquinia, a significant number perhaps 30 percent of epitaphs of the fourth century and later record the age at death, and a hasty sampling shows a natural distribution of this formula across all age groups, with the exception of infants.

Vitruvius does not actually assert that his specifications were ordained by the disciplina etrusca and his temple does not appear in early precincts and never at all in many Etruscan sanctuaries. Also provided free Pisces love, career, yearly, monthly, weekly and daily horoscopes for The most important astrological event, regarding love, will take place on November 9th, , when Jupiter, the Great Benefactor in astrology, will enter Scorpio, which governs, among other things, the relationships and marriage. The first half of the year is especially really auspicious if you have been thinking to start off a new project.

Weekly Horoscope for this week. In the Pisces horoscope, Saturn transits your 10th house throughout the year in Sagittarius. The movement of the planets will make the Pisces August a very intense time. Calendars are available for all astrological signs. Some of your burning desires or ambitions will catch up in Though your 2nd House of Finance is not a House of Power, this is still going to be a prosperous year.

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There are promotions, pay rises and success, recognition and even honours to be bestowed upon you throughout the year. Pisces career horoscope Show off your talents. Pisces Monthly Overview for July This is a very playful period of the year, when you are inspired creatively and emotionally. Read love, career, social and health predictions for your year. Many of the natives have tasted the sweet fruits of love in the previous year, especially during the first part. The purpose is to serve your astrological needs in the best way. Pisces Daily Love Horoscope. Accept that and try to be compassionate towards those people.

It was in the final days of August that the last of a long and very busy parade of planets through your work sector left, with the whole of last month a chance to process all the developments, package them into a game plan and to look at where to from here. Virtually all Pisces achieved high and successful results.

Money and Career. You need to be vigilant in this period as there are chances of sudden hitches at work as per the Leo career General Love Career Daily Weekly Monthly August September October September, — At work run the specific task assigned to you if you want to demonstrate your abilities. So this is a good period to pursue more solitude. Pisces horoscope for September on love, relationships, money, career and more. For Scorpio people, is likely to bring major career changes and new opportunities in employment. Your ruling lord Jupiter will remain in your ninth house till 30th March, which will bring good luck to you.

Free at MyHoroscopeSigns. Related Story. The Fish is highly intuitive and sensitive. Apart from your personal horoscope for - Saturday, September 28, you can also get yesterday's horoscope and tomorrow's horoscope as well. This eclipse means business and offers you the potential to move mountains. Career Jupiter, your personal planet of career, made his way into fiery Sagittarius in late Read your daily career horoscope to find out what the day holds for you.

Your Horoscope by Susan Miller. Find out today what Astrology says is the right career for you! Travel, love, family and career horoscope of Taurus. Year of To know you is to love you, Pisces— but with Neptune in your sign, it's been a little harder to figure you out. Wealth and success are closely tied to your creativity and intuition in Until then you have to work at it, but now you are starting your yearly career push. And your 7th house of love will never be stronger than now — not this year anyway.

Pisces horoscope August If you are on a cusp, use the free horoscope to find your decan. There is a distinct likelihood of significant gains for your career prospects through some member of the female sex. Affected by the negative energy of Mercury retrograde, everything will be in chaos. This month is another wild one, Pisces, affording you a glimpse into partnership, career goals, and your own inner workings.

Get Free Finance money horoscope forecast for Pisces zodiac sign. Ram toward the goals that uplift your curiosities and career for a kickass Career Horoscope Pisces Sign. Daily Pisces Love Horoscope. A lot of issues are resolved now. You can let out that big sigh of relief now and be gracious for the coming year. They may also get opportunities of promotion in their jobs. Find out what the month has to offer for you - Pisces Monthly horoscope Which zodiac sign is compatible with you - Pisces compatibility What are the career opportunities of a Pisces - Pisces Career.

However, the stars warn the zodiac not to ignore what is happening in their homes. Your September Monthly Horoscope. Along with your free weekly prediction, Pisces, our zodiac astrology forecasts cover today, tomorrow, this month free and then we offer a whole year horoscope for , among our best Pisces horoscopes. This is the only way you will be productive in the workplace.


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  • For single Pisces, they may get involved in an unrequited love relationship and will find that their efforts and sincerity cannot be accepted by the other. You are feeling bright and optimistic about the year ahead, and for good reason. Overall, a satisfying year with ideal career growth. September is your month for dynamic duos as the Sun travels through your opposite sign of Virgo until September 23, then brings the most auspicious time for your career and professional life. Friday is a New Money Moon, coinciding with financial relief and fresh confidence in your resources. Few will take this change as positive and few may feel as struggles.

    By the end of , you may be wanting to reward yourself for your hard work. On the contrary; you could enjoy great opportunities. You may witness a brighter career in this year. You have been keeping your eye on your career, and in August, you may now get a big breakthrough and be able to get the kind of assignments you only used to dream about. However, the horoscope suggests that during the year , a certain amount of suffering will be associated with your career as well. Next Year. Askganesha says that will be a glorious year for the Pisces zodiac sign natives.

    Pisces October Career Horoscope. Pisces Career Horoscope Monthly Horoscope: Pisces, September After that, you may face some problems at work front when it will enter your tenth house. Variations at work might lead to a change in your line of work. Find out NOW! With the seven-year Uranus transit squaring your Sun sign, old patterns were broken and you began a new direction. Your career looks super duper in If the year has been delicate and frantic for you, we are here to bring you some positive news. Pisces will take the shirt off her back to help a complete stranger who needs her help.

    At the beginning of the year you will be engaged in the solution of new plans, tasks and the embodiment of ambitious projects. Capricorn Horoscope August On July 3 the planetary power shifted decisively from the lower, night side of your Horoscope to the upper, day side.

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    This is beautiful timing. Weekly Pisces Horoscope Example. Your marital life will go well. Ambition and thoughtlessness will involve your risks and adventures, so plan everything in advance. Starting on the right foot, Pisceans would think that everything is going to be a walk in the park all year long. Pisces Horoscope for Please note that these are general predictions for Pisces horoscope. Fortunately, the ruling planet Uranus will stay in your angular house and turn ill luck into good whenever you Pisceans are in trouble.

    Checkout other daily career horoscopes, weekly career horoscopes, monthly career horoscopes, career compatibility, and more! Pisces horoscope is conclusive that love is in the air. You will be faced with a multitude of challenges and tricky Horoscopelogy provides you free Pisces daily money and finance horoscope for today. Career and travels horoscope of Pisces. See your September Pisces love horoscope and money horoscope.